Tag Archives: Leadership

Sayid Qutb: Father of Takfiri Jihadism.

For all its austerity and fundamentalism Saudi Arabia did not give birth to the ideology of modern Islamism, rather its modern origins are to be found in Egypt, within the Muslim Brotherhood whose most able son Sayid Qutb, would transcend his teachers and conceive the ideology that gave birth to al-Qaeda.

Today the Muslim Brotherhood is denounced as an apostate organization by ISIS and other hardline Islamist movements, yet a careful study of Islamist history, will prove that their ideological father is the Muslim Brotherhood. Lawrence Wright in his book; ―The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda And The Road To 911, gave a comprehensive view into Qutb‘s influences, his American sojourn, his imprisonment, torture and eventual execution at the hands of the Egyptian authorities at the time. Wright described Qutb and the Egyptian reality at the time in the following: ―Like many of his compatriots he was radicalized by the British occupation and was contemptuous of the jaded king Farouk‘s complicity. Egypt was racked by anti-British protests and seditous political factions bent on running the forign troops out of the country-and perhaps the king as well. What made this unimposing midlevel government clerk particularly dangerous was his blunt and potent commentary. He was western in so many ways –his dress, his love of classical music and Hollywood movies. He had read, in translation, the works of Darwin and Einstein, Byron and Shelley, and had immersed himself in French literature, especially Victor Hugo. Qutb like many Arabs, felt shocked and betrayed by the support that the US government had given to the Zionist cause after the war. Qutb wrote: I hate those westerners and despise them . All of them without any exception: the English, the French, the Dutch, and finally the Americans, who have been trusted by many.

1051

Luke Lobada a recipient of the 2004 Charles E. Parton award, wrote in an Ashbrook Statesmanship Thesis the following concerning Qutb, I think it would be highly constructive to include the portion on Qutb‘s, earlier background and his academic standing and achivements at that time.

―Sayyid Qutb was born in 1906 in the province of Asyut, which is located in southern Egypt. His parents were both deeply religious people who were wellknown in the area. From his years as a young child until the age of 27, he experienced a rigorous education. Qutb‘s evident desire for knowledge continued throughout his life. He began his elementary education in a religious school located in his hometown village. By the age of 10, he had already committed the entire text of the Qur‘an to memory. After transferring to a more modern government-sponsored school, Qutb graduated primary school in 1918. Due to his interests in education and teaching, Qutb enrolled into a teacher‘s college and graduated in 1928. Next, he was admitted into Dar al-Ulum, a Western-style university which was also attended by Hasan al-Banna, an Aab-Islamic leader who Qutb would later join in the Muslim Brotherhood. After his graduation from Dar al- Ulum in 1933, Qutb began his teaching career and eventually became involved in Egypt‘s Ministry of Education. The Ministry sent rhim abroad to the United States to research Western methods of teaching. He spent a total of two years in the United States from 1948 to 1950. During that time, Qutb studied at Wilson‘s Teachers‘College on the east coast before moving west and earning a M.A. in education at the University of Northern Colorado. Qutb‘s strong conviction that Islam was superior to all other systems was made clear in his work Social Justice in Islam, which was written prior to his trip. Nevertheless, many scholars believe that it was during his trip to the United States that Qutb became convinced of the West‘s spiritual and moral bankruptcy.

Qutb left America and returned to Cairo on a TWA flight, the date was August 20, 1950. While Qutb‘s beloved Egypt wallowed in record levels of corruption, assassination, poverty, illiteracy and disease, the Turkish holdout from the Ottoman empire king Farouk , Egypt‘s Britain backed king jetted around in private jet‘s, drove around Cairo in one of many of his cars, or went gambling on the Rivera. This was Qutb‘s Egypt. When Gamal Abdul Nasser then a young army colonel, seized power in Egypt, the old Ottoman tyrant fell replaced by an Egyptian one, Qutb would prove to be his staunchest enemy and would usher in the ―New Vangaurd. The army officers who were principals in the successful takeover of the government, closely coordinated with the Muslim Brotherhood, several of the officers even Anwar Saddat, Nasser‘s successor, were closely allied to the Muslim Brotherhood. Qutb returned to his job at the Ministry of Education, returning to his home in the suburbs of Helmand. Qutb published an open letter, to the revolutions leaders,, stressing that the only way to curb moral corruption was to impose a ―just dictatorship‖, that would grant political legitimacy to only ―the virtuous‖. Nasser‘s government and the Brotherhood were mismatched from the beginning, The Islamist‘s wanted a society ruled by Sharia, Nasser wanted to expand the role of his authoritarian, secular, nationalist government. Qutb was imprisoned by Nasser in 1954, three months later he was released. Upon his release he became the editor of the Muslim Brotherhood‘s magazine of the same name. On October 26, 1954. An Egyptian Brotherhood acolyte attempted an assassination on Nasser, he fired eight shot‘s wounding one of Nasser‘s bodyguards and missing Nasser entirely. Nasser reacted swiftly and brutally, six Muslim Brotherhood members were arrested then hanged, while thousands of others were placed in concentration camps. Qutb‘s turn soon came, suffering from a high fever he was arrested; he was handcuffed and frog marched to prison. Several times he fainted along the way. He was held in a cell with vicious dogs and mercilessly beaten. In court Qutb said: ―The principles of the revolution have indeed been applied to us ―, as he raised his shirt to reveal the marks of torture. Some of the imprisoned Muslim Brothers staged a strike refusing to leave their cells; they were summarily shot to death.

Twenty three of them died in the assault, and forty six injured. Qutb saw the wounded being brought in since he was in the prison‘s hospital.

Qutb reasoned that true Muislims could never treat fellow Muslims in such a manner, resultantly they were not Muslims, the concept of takfir (excommunication), was revived by Qutb . He wrote his manifesto ―Milestones‖ (Ma‘alim fi al-Tariq), while in prison. Through the aid of family and friends, his book circulated for many years underground, in the form of letters to his brothers and sisters, who were also active Islamist‘s. The book saw its first printing in 1964 and was promptly banned, anyone caught with a copy could be charged with sedition. Qutb wrote: ―Mankind today is on the brink of a precipice. Humanity is threatened not only by nuclear annihilation but also by the absence of values. The West has lost its vitality and Marxism has failed. At this crucial and bewildering juncture the turn of Islam and the Muslim community has arrived‖. Qutb wrote that the Muslim community was: ―crushed under the weight of those false laws and teachings which are not even remotely related to the Islamic teachings. We need to initiate the revival of the Islamic movement in some Muslim country‖. Qutb‘s writings posited that some Islamic country needed to serve as a visible example, of Islam‘s forward march to world domination. ―There should be a vanguard which sets out with this determination and keeps walking the path. I have written Milestones for this vangaurd, which I consider to be a waiting reality about to be materialized‖. Sayyid Qutb was hanged on August 29, 1966.

Advertisements

Caribbean adopts plan to seek slavery reparations.

KINGSTOWN, St. Vincent (AP) — Leaders of Caribbean nations on Monday unanimously adopted a broad plan on seeking reparations from European nations for what they say are the lingering ill effects of the Atlantic slave trade on the region.

 

A British human rights law firm hired by the Caribbean Community grouping of nations announced that prime ministers had authorized a 10-point plan that would seek a formal apology and debt cancellation from former colonizers such as Britain, France and the Netherlands. The decision came at a closed-door meeting in St. Vincent & the Grenadines.

 

According to the Leigh Day law firm, the Caribbean Community also wants reparation payments to repair the persisting “psychological trauma” from the days of plantation slavery and calls for assistance to boost the region’s technological know-how since the Caribbean was denied participation in Europe’s industrialization and confined to producing and exporting raw materials such as sugar.

 

The plan further demands European aid in strengthening the region’s public health, educational and cultural institutions such as museums and research centers.

 

It is even pushing for the creation of a “repatriation program,” including legal and diplomatic assistance from European governments, to potentially resettle members of the Rastafarian spiritual movement in Africa. Repatriation to Africa has long been a central belief of Rastafari, a melding of Old Testament teachings and Pan-Africanism whose followers have long pushed for reparations.

 

Martyn Day of the law firm called the plan a “fair set of demands on the governments whose countries grew rich at the expense of those regions whose human wealth was stolen from them.”

 

Day said an upcoming meeting in London between Caribbean and European officials “will enable our clients to quickly gauge whether or not their concerns are being taken seriously.” It was not immediately clear when the meeting to potentially seek a negotiated settlement will take place.

 

The idea of the countries that benefited from slavery paying some form of reparations has been a decades-long quest but only recently has it gained serious momentum in the Caribbean.

 

Caricom, as the political grouping of 15 countries and dependencies is known, announced in July that it intended to seek reparations for slavery and the genocide of native peoples and created the Caribbean Reparations Commission to push the issue and present their recommendations to political leaders.

 

They then hired Leigh Day, which waged a successful fight for an award compensation of about $21.5 million for surviving Kenyans who were tortured by the British colonial government during the so-called Mau Mau rebellion of the 1950s and 1960s.

 

The commission’s chairman, Hilary Beckles, a scholar who has written several books on the history of Caribbean slavery, said he was “very pleased” that the political leaders adopted the plan.

 

In 2007, then British Prime Minister Tony Blair expressed regret for the “unbearable suffering” caused by his country’s role in slavery but made no formal apology. In 2010, then French President Nicolas Sarkozy acknowledged the “wounds of colonization” and pointed out France had canceled a 56 million euro debt owed by Haiti and approved an aid package.

 

The Caribbean Reparations Commission said Monday that far more needed to be done for the descendants of slaves on struggling islands, saying it sees the “persistent racial victimization of the descendants of slavery and genocide as the root cause of their suffering today.”

 

Reblogged by Wade Bailey

 

Associated Press writer Duggie Joseph reported this story in Kingstown, St. Vincent, and David McFadden reported from Kingston, Jamaica.

 

Strategy Report Volume II Money Laundering and Financial Crimes March 2017. Sint Maarten.

United States Department of State

Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs

International

Narcotics Control

Strategy Report

Volume II

Money Laundering and Financial Crimes

March 2017

 

 

Sint Maarten

OVERVIEW

Sint Maarten is an autonomous entity within the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Kingdom retains responsibility for foreign policy and defense, including entering into international conventions. The Kingdom may extend international conventions to the autonomous countries. With the Kingdom’s agreement, each autonomous country can be assigned a status of its own within international or regional organizations subject to the organization’s agreement. The individual countries may conclude MOUs in areas in which they have autonomy, as long as these MOUs do not infringe on the foreign policy of the Kingdom as a whole. In 1999, the Kingdom extended the UN Drug Convention to Sint Maarten, and in 2010, the UNTOC was extended to Sint Maarten.

A governor appointed by the King represents the Kingdom on the island and a Minister Plenipotentiary represents Sint Maarten in the Kingdom Council of Ministers in the Netherlands.

In June 2016, Aruba, Sint Maarten, the Netherlands, and Curacao signed an MOU with the United States to stimulate joint activities and enhance sharing of information in the areas of criminal investigation and upholding public order and security and to strengthen mutual cooperation in forensics and the organization of the criminal justice system. While the MOU is a broad-based attempt to improve all of the criminal justice system, one priority area is cracking down on money laundering operations.

VULNERABILITIES AND EXPECTED TYPOLOGIES

Sint Maarten has an offshore banking industry consisting of one bank.

Many hotels legally operate casinos on the island, and online gaming is also legal but is not subject to supervision.

Sint Maarten’s favorable investment climate and rapid economic growth over the last few decades have drawn wealthy investors to the island to invest their money in large scale real estate developments, including hotels and casinos. In Sint Maarten, money laundering of criminal profits occurs through business investments and international tax shelters. Its weak government sector continues to be vulnerable to integrity-related crimes.

KEY AML LAWS AND REGULATIONS

INCSR 2017 Volume II Country Reports

156

KYC laws cover banks, lawyers, insurance companies, customs, money remitters, the Central Bank, trust companies, accountants, car dealers, administrative offices, Tax Office, jewelers, credit unions, real estate businesses, notaries, currency exchange offices, and stock exchange brokers.

The MLAT between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the United States, rather than the U.S. – EU Agreement, which has not yet been extended to the Kingdom’s Caribbean countries, applies to Sint Maarten and is regularly used by U.S. and Sint Maarten law enforcement agencies for international drug trafficking and money laundering investigations.

Sint Maarten is a member of the CFATF, a FATF-style regional body, and, through the Kingdom, the FATF. Its most recent mutual evaluation can be found at: https://www.cfatf-gafic.org/index.php/documents/cfatf-mutual-evaluation-reports/sint-maarten-1

 

AML DEFICIENCIES

In July 2015, Sint Maarten’s FIU reported that hundreds of unusual financial transaction investigations were backlogged at the Sint Maarten Public Prosecutor’s Office. Approximately 1,138 reports totaling $243 million have not been investigated.

The UNCAC has not yet been extended to Sint Maarten.

Sint Maarten has yet to pass and implement legislation to regulate and supervise its casino, lottery, and online gaming sectors in compliance with international standards. In addition, the threshold for conducting customer due diligence in the casino sector does not comply with international standards.

ENFORCEMENT/IMPLEMENTATION ISSUES AND COMMENTS

The National Ordinance Reporting Unusual Transactions establishes an “unusual transaction” reporting system. Designated entities are required to file unusual transaction reports (UTRs) with the FIU on any transaction that appears unusual (applying a broader standard than “suspicious”) or when there is reason to believe a transaction is connected with money laundering. If, after analysis of an unusual transaction, a strong suspicion of money laundering arises, those suspicious transactions are reported to the public prosecutor’s office.

The harbor of Sint Maarten is well known for its cruise terminal, one of the largest in the Caribbean islands. The local container facility plays an important role in the region. Larger container ships dock their containers in Sint Maarten where they are picked up by regional feeders to supply the smaller islands surrounding Sint Maarten. Customs and law enforcement authorities should be alert for regional smuggling, TBML, and value transfer schemes.

Rastafari in the Grenada Revolution.

 

new-picture

The above poster art depicting a likeness of Maurice Bishop and Bob Marley was a salient reality in Grenada. Rastafari in Grenada were active participants in the revolution on Grenada.

. The following is from the paper Rastafari in the Grenada Revolution by Arthur Newland: “One aspect of the revolution that few scholars have focused on is the pivotal role played by the Rastafari brethren of Grenada in the early days of the‘Revo’—and their subsequent suffering under the People’s Revolutionary Government. The Rastafari were the first group to throw in their lot with the revolution, and without their grassroots support, it would have been difficult for the NJM to achieve success. The first images that the outside world saw of Grenada after the 1979 coup were of dreadlocked soldiers, reflecting the fact that two-thirds of the original People’s Liberation Army was Rastafari (more than a thousand brethren representing Rastas from all regions of the island). Within months, these frontline supporters fell out of favour with the PRG’s leaders and their ideology. This paper draws on the testimony of Prince Nna Nna or Ras Nang, the island’s first black belt martial artist, who trained the troops of the People’s Revolutionary Army, and at one time was Maurice Bishop’s bodyguard. His account, in an interview with Dr Ikael Tafari, of the brutal oppression of the Rastafari during the “Revo” includes allegations of beatings, imprisonment, torture and executions by the PRG. My own meeting with Ras Nang gives ethnographic insights into how Rastafari influenced the Caribbean’s political and social evolution”.  (From the microfiche records of seized Grenadian Revolution records, held at Maryland Record Office, USA, available to the public.) Crowe/Crow/Crichlow, Winston/Dennis ‘Ras/Rasta Nang Nang/Prince Nna Nna’, former member of Peoples Revolutionary Army, martial arts instructor for Peoples Revolutionary Army, jeweller, shot during an escape attempt; River Road, St. George’s; re: held in the interest of national security, public safety and public order; charged before the Courts with attempting to escape lawful custody (S.3 Preventive Detention Regulations, detained 14 OCT 1979 to 22 APR 1981 (7 months); detained again 11 JUL 1981 and released 25 OCT 1983, at Fort Rupert Prison 22 JUL 1981, also Richmond Hill Prison and Hope Vale. Shot multiple times during arrest and escape attempt from ‘Babylon’s dungeon’. The preceding is an official microfiche document establishing the identity and standing in the PRA of the man, being interviewed.

Ikael Tafari the late Rastafari ideologue wrote in his work Rastafari in transition, in an interview with Rastafari Grenadian elder, Prince Nna Nna, a black belt expert and the man who personally trained Maurice Bishop’s soldiers in self-defense techniques. What follows are transcript’s from that taped interviewin colloquial Grenadian “English(authors note the pronounciation in the transcript are in Grenadian colloquial “English”, peppered with much Rasta speak i.e. Iyaric): “Q:  Prince Nna, the crucial question is: why did the PRG look on the Rastafari as a threat during the course of the Grenada Revolution?

 

A:        Because the Rastafari were more popular, more grassroot and more genuinely revolutionary than the Maurice Bishop administration at that time.

 

Q:        What kind of following did the Rastaman have during that period?

 

A:        Rasta had a bigger following then than Bishop and his people.

 

Q:        What kind of number among the Rases themselves are we talking about here?

 

A:        At that stage, remember, it wasn’t Rasta alone. It was Rasta and the general public which fully supported the Rastafari cause. You could even see this at our weekly Nyahbingi meetings. Plenty more people were coming to our Nyahbingi celebrations than those going to Maurice Bishop and dem political meetings. And that caused jealousy.

 

Q:        What number of Rases in the town area would be gathering at these Nyahbingis?

 

A:        At that time, approximately a thousand to twelve hundred Rastas—I not speaking yet of sympathizers and people coming to hear what the Rastaman had to say.

 

Q:        You mean three or four hundred people from the general public?

 

A:        Plenty more than that. Whole villages of people. Especially in places like Victoria, Gouyave and Sauteurs and right in St. George’s.

 

Q:        There were more Binghiman in the country than in the town at that time?

 

A:        The Rasta people in Grenada in that period lived more in the mountain, in the interior. A good portion of brethren also lived in the town, but the biggest concentration was in the hills. Rasta in Grenada was more originally a hills vibration like in most of the other Caribbean islands. It was the Maurice Bishop administration that ran the Rasta out of the hills.

 

Q:        At what stage?

 

A:        That was just at the time the Cubans started to come into Grenada, say around the first three months of the Revolution.

 

Q:        That early?

 

A:        Yes. Very early in the Revolution, Maurice Bishop started fighting against the Rastafari. Technically, psychologically and then openly. There are many ways, you know. You have to be very sharp to observe these intellects and lawyers like Maurice and Radix and all the other political gangsters.

 

Q:        How many Rastas were in the original People’s Liberation Army?

 

A:        The Liberation Army was predominantly Rasta. Let’s say two–thirds at least.

 

Q:        You mean a thousand or more?

 

A:        More than a thousand. There were Rastas in it from all different regions of the island.

 

Q:        Did any of these Rases sit on any of the popular representative bodies of the Revo-like zonal councils or committees for example?

 

A:        Well, the Rasta people were on the frontline, looking to preserve the peace and security of the country and to quell any violent opposition, like. Rasta at that time was a middle man and a liberator. His part in the Revolution was keeping the peace while Maurice and dem part was organizing political power. So while the Rastas were on the battlefield looking to secure the Revolution, Maurice and his little clique were preparing to set up the government.

 

Q:        And getting together a whole new army of his own from his hometown, St. Paul’s, too?

 

A:        Yes, and recruiting foreigners in important position, too. And giving them ranks even higher than those of the genuine revolutionaries who had fought to win freedom for the people. Most of the people who fought the battle in Grenada against Gairy and afterwards, too, never really got their due honour or respect or authority. But, seeing that the Rasta people were ever willing to sacrifice their life for the Revo, it was strange that Maurice and dem ended up putting the Rastas as their enemy, just because Rasta was the first to tell these political leaders, look, what all-yuh doing is wrong. All-yuh done make a covenant with the people and you must fulfill it. Because Rasta was tracking all of their statements on the radio, the different promises Maurice Bishop made to the nation.

 

Q:        To what effect? You mean about marijuana?

 

A:        Well, on the air, he never made any declaration about marijuana to my knowledge, but before March 13th, the struggle had been based on a broad vision of liberating the grassroots man—spiritually, intellectually, economically and even in terms of freeing up the proper cultural use of the herb.

 

And Maurice was the main man behind the scenes identifying with the Rastaman. I say this because I personally was a very close associate of Maurice from the first days of the Revolution when Grenada was just militarizing. I was the Physical Training (P.T.) instructor for the whole army. So I was lobbying for the Rasta people, and had the opportunity to speak closely with the revolutionary leader at that time and discuss Rasta problems with him.

 

And when Maurice formed the new government and left out Rasta completely, I told him, the first time we met after the government had been formed, that he should never do what he did behind the Rasta people’s back, and furthermore, the Rastafari should have their representative in the government to secure the Rastaman’s interests, and to make sure that the people of Grenada get justice—all the different cultures and religions—because I could see where the leadership was heading from the time that they could set up a government without including the Rastafari who were the main spearhead of the people’s struggle at that time.

 

Q:        Did the Muslims sympathize with these views held by the Rastas?

 

A:        At first, some of the Muslims were vexed with the Rastas for taking up arms to support the Revo, especially since the Muslims were more advanced in revolutionary strategy. They were more aware when it came to politics than the Rastas, and in their military training, too. At that stage Rasta’s concern was less with politics and more with basic survival. But when the Revolution began to get into full swing and Maurice cry out for help and made his covenant with the nation, the Rastaman began to gear up himself militarily. He was always in the Revolution as the vanguard of the people’s consciousness, you see, but now he began to get himself more politically organized.

 

Q:        Were the Muslims in close co-ordination then with the Rases?

 

A:        True. Both were prepared to struggle alongside one another in the Revo, because at one stage, all the people who believe in the Supreme Architect, the mighty I AM—the Rases call him Rastafari, the Muslims call him Allah and the Christians call him Jesus Christ—at that stage there was a real spiritual unity among all these different religions in Grenada in the face of a common persecution.

 

Some of the Muslims were I and I true brethrens and when we get the opportunity we pray together, too. I pray in my own Rastafari tradition and they pray in their Muslim tradition and we respect each other—especially brethren such as Bilal, Yusuf and Habib. Certain days we come together and I explain my spiritual tradition and they explain theirs and we reason together about our beliefs. There was never any conflict among I and the Muslims because I read the Koran and I even come to the understanding that certain things in there pertain to Haile Sellassie I. Also, I taught all of the Muslims Martial Arts in prison.

 

Q:        You are speaking of your shared time in detention, but before that was there that much overlap between the two groups?

 

A:        Yes, even before the Revolution there was solidarity between us. The two religions actually sprang up in Grenada at around the same time. The Rastafarian religion was earlier and more predominant, had more followers, you know, because most of the Muslims was brethren that was coming out from long established Trinidad and Guyana Muslim communities, and some from the Far East, too. The Rasta movement was more, you know, a local thing, but the Muslim and the Rasta had a very firm alliance. At one time I discover that the unity was so strong that we together could have ruled Grenada.

 

Q:        Was Bishop closer to the Rases or the Muslims?

 

A:        Well, Maurice was close to everybody. But at one point when I made the statement to the Torchlight reminding him concerning his promise to the nation about elections after six months, and the end to discrimination in the schools against I and I, and the fact that the Rasta was pushing for representation in Government—not only what he had promised but Rasta rights, in terms of participation in the consolidation of the Revo—

 

Q:        Some people argue that by bringing those charges against the PRG, the Rases were playing into the hands of the same rich people, and that the bourgeoisie, whose interests were traditionally represented by Torchlight, were taking the opportunity to manipulate the Rases’ resistance so as to further certain ultimately CIA-type interests in actively fighting against the Revo.

 

A:        The Rastafari take a different view. You see, Rasta in Grenada was all class of people, even the children of the rich.

 

Q:        But again some have argued that the grassroots Rastaman rejected those from the ranks of the petty bourgeois who sought to join the movement. Was this so?

 

A:        I wouldn’t accept that argument as such. I would have to balance it. You see, after Maurice set up the government, the Rasta people came to the full realization that this was not a genuine people’s government, as we could see it was class-biased in favour of the petty bourgeoisie—

 

Q:        It was not a genuinely revolutionary government, in other words?

 

A:        Seen. At that stage, the Rastafari did not give them the recognition of being a revolutionary government. A genuine revolutionary government would have to respect the rights of the various people of different classes and religions to be all represented at the national level. But instead Bishop took his chosen few and set up an elite with mainly foreigners to control the country.

 

Q:        Did Rastaman play a part in some of the national organizations, like the National Youth Organization, and the co-operatives for instance?

 

A:        The Rasta people took part in all the different arms of the Revolution, even the political arm. There were brethren such as Pyta from Gouyave who was an instructor in Marxism/Leninism. He was a member of the Party also.

 

Q:        So there were Rasta in the actual NJM Party structure?

 

A:        Truly.

 

Q:        From before the Revolution?

 

A:        Before and after. Plenty Rastas were members of the NJM. A good portion had also joined the Party before they came to a consciousness of the Rastafari faith. Many in the NJM carried dreadlocks, while they were at the same time studying Marxism and prepared to administrate it, too, as it was later practised full brutality—at Hope Vale, for example.

 

Q:        But surely no genuine Rastaman would have supported these policies of the PRG, carried out in many cases against other brethren.

 

A:        Many man supported them to the very end. Many dreadman were in the Army up to the end of the war. But the majority of these ended up trimming their locks, you see. To be frank, the Revolution really started with dread and ended up with bald head. Eventually all sections of the population became involved, you know, because it was a genuine people’s revolution. But the politicians destroyed this genuine revolutionary spirit of mass unity. You see, they felt themselves so wise that they thought they could set up a little government on their own, and then dash the Rasta people one side.

 

Q:        What about the role played by Ras Kabinda (Desmond Trotter) from Dominica in all this?

 

A:        Well, Kabinda is a beloved Rasta brethren I know very well. He came to Grenada when Bishop had I in prison. He went to Maurice and beg for my release from detention and Maurice agree to let me go on humanitarian grounds. But at the same time he was pressuring I to sign documents stating that I would never practise my spiritual concept against the PRG, and that if I ever engaged in such activity I would have to go into prison or exile. In this way, my faith—the Nyahbingi tradition—was technically outlawed under Maurice and dem administration.

 

Q:        At what point? Before the Torchlight issue?

 

A:        No, after the Torchlight issue.

 

Q:        So that is what really brought the confrontation between the Rastafari and the PRG to a head then: the Torchlight affair.

 

A:        No, the Rasta and the PRG was already at war over Bishop’s broken promises, both concerning elections and the end to victimization of Rasta children in the schools.

 

Q:        How soon had he promised to keep elections?

 

A:        Within six months. Arid the Rases were the first to approach Maurice about this breach of political faith.

 

Q:        So their protest took place before that of the other dissenters like Winston Whyte and Stanley Cyrus?

 

A:        Yes.

 

Q:        And yet many of the official accounts claim that the Rastas were being used by men like Cyrus Henry and Teddy Victor.

 

A:        Rasta was not used. Rasta went independently before Maurice in late September of `79—I was the elder brethren and main spokesman—I an’ I congregation of brethren, daughters and children all went up to Maurice’s home and asked him why he was refusing to call the election within 6 months of March 13 as agreed. I was detained two days after the Torchlight publication.

 

I an’ I had a gigantic Binghi on the Saturday at which the PRG was again declared to be anti-Rasta. And I was picked up on the next day—Sunday. That Binghi was held at Victoria and it shake Maurice’s whole regime, because people came out in their thousands from every corner of Grenada in solidarity. Some even had to walk to reach the spot. At that time, I was a commander in the army. We were taking some military training at that stage from the Guyanese.

 

At the meeting with Maurice, one of the points I raised was concerning the scholarships that were being given to officers in the army to go to certain countries like Cuba, Libya and Russia so as to further their studies. I told him Rasta was seeking to go to Africa to pursue career training in medicine, law and so on.

 

As Sellassie I live, Maurice turned and told I he had always thought that Rasta was only a matter of painting and carving. So then I replied to him, if Rasta was only concerned with painting and carving, how come Rastaman was the first to come out bearing arms on March l3th.

 

That was the turning point in the relationship between Maurice and the Rasta community. You see when Maurice made that statement, I an’ I could see clearly how Maurice was looking on the grassroots people. It was clear that he never intended to provide the Rastafari with the opportunity to educate and develop themselves so as to give greater service to their country.

 

I even raised the question once again, more directly, with Maurice: Why Russia and not Africa? I had the privilege of questioning him because I and Maurice were still very close at that stage. So I just call my Rasta brethren and sistren together afterwards in my yard, because that was the main place in the town where Rasta used to assemble in those days. Rasta from all over the island used to meet there in I yard and discuss Rasta problems.

 

So I say to my idren, “Beloved, I an’ I can see that Bishop doesn’t recognize I an’ I. So I-man not going to tarry among dem men.” And I just depart from the Army same time. A while afterwards, they come to me one day and suggest they would like I to set up a programme for a military parade they keeping. So I went back. And I put on one of the sharpest parade dem ever see in Grenada specially for them, and then I left and never look back.

 

So the revolutionary army eventually died. Or, I should say, the political leadership destroyed it very early in the Revolution. There was a power struggle and the revolutionaries were overthrown actually within the first two months of the Revolution. When I say the revolutionaries, I mean the brethren who first stepped out on the battlefield and made the revolution—not Bishop and dem who was all waiting on board a yacht just off the coast to escape if the attack that morning on Gairy’s army barracks failed.

 

Q:        But let’s get back to Kabinda. As I understand it, he was a key player in the whole drama between Rasta and Maurice Bishop. Bishop had become close to Kabinda originally while defending him in the celebrated case trumped up against him for murder in Dominica.

 

A:        Truly. At first Kabinda was strongly supporting Maurice. I tried to show him the kind of man Maurice was, when I was in prison. Kabinda came to the prison to visit I, and I tell him plainly in the presence of everybody how I see Maurice and his clique. I tell him I see them as wicked men who pretending to be something that they are not. Not only Maurice but all of them, because I had close reasonings with the entire core of the PRG leadership. Including, to a lesser extent, Bernard Coard. From the first time I met him I could see that he loved to dominate. Because he came into the room with a martial arts class in full progress. And he had to interrupt it, you know. He never show no respect. But when he realize he meet up on a little Rastaman who could defend himself with words as well as with blows, then he shake my hand and say he would like to meet me again to reason further and so on. He even set up a meeting between himself and I at one stage when Rasta and Maurice was going through some conflict, but it never came to pass because they came and lock I up before the time appointed.

 

Q:        Some people believe that while Bishop was negotiating with the Rases, Coard and his OREL group, who were definitely not in favour of legalization of marijuana or Rasta representation in government, were undermining his position of leadership in the Party. So that, in effect, Bishop’s hands were tied from the start, even if he himself had wanted to grant concessions to Rasta.

 

A:        That might have been so but what I have to say is that Maurice didn’t really want these things personally, according to my knowledge of the man. After March 13, after they got into power and they started getting international recognition, I said to Maurice, “Forget about taking on America, it doesn’t make sense. Try to be non-aligned.” That is when Rasta had come out and publicly pledged allegiance to the new government. Rastaman had actually offered his services to Bishop to build the country. Rasta with all kinds of intellectual training were willing to give him their counsel. But he prefer to take Cubans as his advisers. And I realize that a lot of these outside people who had only just come to Grenada try to belittle I an’ I in the presence of Maurice, when Rasta was the real Field-Marshal General of the Revolution. Rasta entered the Revolution at the top. We didn’t go into the Revolution as a divided house.

 

We had we own organization, we unity and we own military weapons. And the people’s support as well. So we had the right to know anything going on that could affect the fate of the revolution. Rasta stepped onto the battlefield in Grenada because we hear the people cry out for help and we see that blood was going to run red. But Rasta didn’t enter the Revolution as a people that come to dominate, but as a liberator. We discuss the whole question about Rasta involvement among weself on the eve of the overthrow, and we come to one mind to step forward in the service of the black people. But since Maurice and dem never ground with the people, they cause whole heap of problems. On the morning of the coup, only one person was killed. But afterwards Maurice regime kill many people, so many innocent people.

 

Q:        I notice you said that the Revolution should have pursued a policy of non-alignment, but could Grenada realistically afford to be scrupulously non-aligned? Wasn’t it a matter of survival why the PRG lined up with Russia and Cuba, I mean as a matter of self-defence?

 

A:        What a lot of people do not know is that it was not Cuba that first stretched out the hand of substantial military assistance to the Revolution. It was Guyana. Guyana sent military advisers and men expert in combat techniques and from the start gave the Revolution military weapons, but Maurice had other ideas. He wanted to shift to Cuban support because of reasons of ideology and culture. You see, the Guyanese military was mostly black man, and they were very sympathetic to the Grenadian popular culture and the Rastafari. But Maurice wanted to play down these genuine revolutionary aspirations and independent cultural feelings among the Grenadian people and pretend that the Revolution was Cuban or Marxist-inspired, to suit his own purpose. Bishop aligned himself with an outside force—Cuba—which tried over and over to dominate events in Grenada and impose their ideas born out of a different cultural situation, you know.

 

And yet the PRG could have drawn strength from better sources of ideas in their own country. But Maurice and dem chose instead to get together two or three college boys who were mostly afraid to come out and face the Green Beasts on March 13, and give them big ranks over men who were vigilant on the battlefield in dem early days of the Revo. So that was the first overthrow, when the PRG side-stepped the genuine revolutionary freedom-fighters and set up a petty bourgeois friendship clique to control the military in the name of revolution. But the main force that really overthrew the Gairy government in Grenada on March 13 was the Rastafari.

 

Q:        The Muslims did not play any significant role?

 

A:        Well, maybe individual Muslim, but not Muslims as an organized group.

 

Q:        But Habib and Yusuf were in that episode.

 

A:        Yeah, I won’t doubt.

 

Q:        And James Herry and the Budhlall brothers and other Black Power people, right?

 

A:        True. But although the NJM and their allies had military strength, they still did not have the power to capture the country. The NJM was pure paper cells. There were other forces in Grenada that created the Revolution beyond Maurice and dem. It was the grassroot village organizations across the countryside, especially St. Patrick’s, who had the people with them all the way. Maurice had he support too, but they were mostly cowards. They couldn’t face the battlefield. Some of dem were willing and prepared—Layne and Selwyn Strachan and such like—I don’t say no. Dem was there on the morning of the overthrow, too.

 

Q:        And those men were quickly given rank?

 

A:        That’s right. They had very little military training technically. Only Strachan Phillip was a full military soldier. Bishop and dem was so dogmatic that they never took the trouble to educate their party supporters much, military-wise. Only a few of them. Instead, these men were allowed to run around flashing rank. While the main revolutionaries who put their lives on the line never reaped anything from the revolution besides execution, exile and imprisonment. Maurice Bishop’s real aim was not to uphold any genuine revolutionary administration, you know. His main aim was to uphold a petty bourgeois dictatorship, you see, so with regard to the grassroot people, like Yusuf and Strachan Phillip, who were serious about revolutionary change in Grenadian society—Maurice had to destroy them, that was the only way he could get to perpetuate he little stupidness.

 

Q:        Did you know the two Rastaman from Tivoli, Gravel and Skull?

 

A:        I knew all the man dem. Skull was a very religious brethren. Gravel was a big strong Rastaman.

 

Q:        They were close to Buck and KB (Budhlall)?

 

A:        Yeah. Well, they were all from the same region and belonged to the same organization. They entered the Revolution together. These men were highly educated, too. I had many discussions with them in detention and they proved to be remarkable scholars in their own right… Going back to the case of Kabinda. Maurice and dem deport Kabinda from Grenada when the reality start to come out in the open that the PRG was oppressing Rasta. Kabinda began to see for himself the kind of man Maurice really was.

 

Q:        But originally he was in favour of Maurice?

 

A:        He loved Maurice, I can tell you that personally. But he had to draw the sword on Maurice wordically and show him he was being unjust. From the time Kabinda spoke out at the Binghi in September `79 in Gouyave where the Rasta house for the first time brought up official charges against the PRG—from that time Kabinda’s days were numbered. From the first week of the Revo, the PRG was encouraging Rastas to trim their locks. And when they did trim, they were given rank.

 

But it all came to a confrontation at the Binghi in Gouyave where I an’ I denounce Bishop and dem as traitor to the Revolution, because Revolution stands for rights and justice and respect for your brother and he that labour must hold the reins. But they never want to give I an’ I equal rights at all. And from that day—the first seven days of the Revolution—there was tension between the PRG and I an’ I. And a next thing that make it worse was the fact that I and another brethren Bronson was in command of the whole of St. George’s, the capital. We had we own transport and we own soldiers to patrol the whole region, right. We had authority to search who we want to search, destroy what we want to destroy and take what we want to take. But the Revolution never really loot or burn, because I and my Rasta brethren hold the roots people steady. We used to print pamphlets and other literature, too, and educate the people.

 

Q:        Ras Nang, was any Rastawoman featured in these activities?

 

A:        Plenty Rastawoman was on the battlefield; at that time it was more balanced in that respect, although, as you know within I an’ I faith the man always be predominant numbers-wise. Not only the knotty-dread man but the people in the villages in general used to move close with I an’ I and support the Rasta cause. It was a really joyous time. The people and Rasta came closer together in the time of Maurice, you know, because when the grassroots people saw what Maurice was doing, the only voice that would speak out against the injustice of the PRG was Rasta voice. The Grenadian people herald the Rastas as the champion of the masses.

 

I an’ I tell Maurice face to face, give the people what you promise them, otherwise I an’ I going to demonstrate against you, see. Plus they were trimming Rasta children to go to school and forcing them to trim if they want to go away on scholarship and all dem kind of things. I know a Rastaman called Medic, they forced him to trim to go away to Cuba for further training. At least, he is a police now, but I still consider him a Rastafari today. He trim but he never forget his Rastafarian principle of brotherhood. Up to now he have excellent relations with I an’ I and the public.

 

Bishop did not want we children to go to school with dread on their heads. He force one Rastaman (Ras Coach) to trim he children, and is from there that we decided to visit Bishop and confront him about these matters. All this was in the first month of the Revolution. When Maurice started to pick up de Rastas and lock dem up, many of the petty bourgeois people and the masses draw in close in solidarity. So he had the fight from all angle. When I say ‘petty bourgeois,’ I mean just a small percentage—his own political enemies. Maurice was working on them too. He fire nuff of dem from their jobs. In those times to get a work you had to be on the NJM’s political side. Rasta didn’t like that kind of political victimization. He went in the Revolution to get rid of downpression and when he see a new form of downpression infiltrating the Revolution, Rasta start to fight against it same way.

 

Maurice thought the Rases were he personal friends—give we a little drink and laugh and share out a little money like how he was accustomed to doing with his political patronage, and everything would be fine. He never realize that Rastaman is an independent spirit. You can’t really buy him. Because Bishop offer me nuff things. Today I read many of the books on the Grenadian Revolution, and I laugh at some of these authors. Probably if I had the money, I would sue a lot of them and get back some of the money that they made from spoiling I and my brethren’s name internationally with a heap of false allegations and reckless statements. Some of them never even visit Grenada much less to know what really took place.

 

This whole thing about the Torchlight incident and the idea that Rasta was supporting CIA: Rasta was never guilty of these charges. I and another brethren, Erasto Jo-Jo, came together in October and decided to fling in some arrows, because from March 13 things was boiling and boiling, and we had many audience with Maurice without getting any justice. We decided that since we were bearing arms in defence of the Revolution daily and nightly, we had the right to criticize and seek to get the movement set in a proper direction. I-man was a firm supporter originally of Maurice, but when I start to witness certain abuses, I realize that Rasta had to speak up to ensure that the people got their rights.

 

Because, to be honest, the Rastas could have secured their own particular interests during the time of the Revolution, but it would have been at the expense of the rights of the masses of people. Things were going on and the leadership that was supposed to be responsible for the Revolution did not even know. But I was in full touch with the people, so I knew what was going down. I was a decorated soldier and main security for the top Party echelons. Three times they begged I to take on the responsibility for the personal security of the PM. Everywhere the CC went, I had to be there. So I had access to their private counsels and I knew everything that they knew, as well as what they did not know. And for that cause, when I exposed them, they tried desperately on several occasions to kill I. But they couldn’t kill the Rastaman at all. By the powers of Sellassie I, I live to record this portion of history.

Selah.

 

 

 

Soualiga Youth Manifesto.

Copyright © 1993-2009 Published by Berhanena Selam Press.

 

From the book by Wade Bailey; A Case for an independent Sint Maarten.

 

Copyrights: 2003-2008 ROSH MALKUTH PRODUCTS NAZARITE DESIGNS.

© Copyright: 2003, 2004, 2005,2006,2007,2008 Wade A Bailey (rights holder).

No quotations material written or drawn may be copied or transcribed using video or copying technology without the written permission of the publisher.

All infringements of the publisher’s copyrights are strictly prohibited.

Logo by ROSH MALKUTH PODUCTS NAZARITE DESIGNS.

Original Cover Design by Bernardo Bailey bka Ras Enoch, Illustrations by Bernardo Bailey and Wade Alexander Bailey.

Manufactured in Sint Maarten in The Caribbean African West Indies.

To contact the Publisher forward all correspondence to:

 

RMND/Berhanena Selam Press

Marigothill Road St Peters #18c

Sint Maarten.

Table of contents                                                                                       pages

 

Dedication

 

 

Quotes by several noted scholars black and white                                  2, 3

 

 

Foreword                                                                                                    4

 

Poem: Shards of my soul                                                                          6

 

Chapter 1: A history of Foundation Sualiga Youth                                         11

 

Chapter 2: Purpose for our Burden our Concern                                            48

 

Chapter 3:  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.                              76

 

Chapter 4:  What is the EU?                                                                               84

 

Chapter 5: The economy of Sint Maarten                                             104

 

Chapter 6: Who is a Sint Martener?                                                      106

 

Chapter 7: Towards the future                                                               108

 

Chapter 8: The ideology of independence in the Caribbean                113

 

 

 

“No people to whom liberty is given can hold it as

Firmly and wear it as grandly as those who wrench

Their liberty from the iron hand of the tyrant”

 

 

Frederick Douglas

 

 

 

Government is not infallible.  Government is only an                             executive control, a centralized authority for expressing the will of the people.

Before you have a government, you must have the people.

Without the people, there can be no government.  The government must be, therefore an expression of the will of the people.

 

 

Marcus Garvey

 

 

 

 

“No people to whom liberty is given can hold it as

Firmly and wear it as grandly as those who wrench

Their liberty from the iron hand of the tyrant”

 

 

Frederick Douglas

 

 

“That which thy fathers have bequeathed to thee earn it anew if thou wouldst possess it”

Goethe

“There is nothing more frightening than ignorance in action”

 

Goethe

 

 

 

“He who does not understand the past is doomed to repeat it”

 

 

George Santayana

 

 

 

FOREWORD

 

“If Sint Maarten is to survive and evolve as a 21st-century competitor regionally as well as in the international sphere.

We will have to elect, to defend to the death the human rights of everyone in our midst as guaranteed in a democratically instituted constitution.

We must elect to be Sint Maarteners first and to defend Sint Maarten against all attempts to erode our Sovereignty, all of us will have to portray to the international community an unbroken oneness whether we are Africans in the Diaspora, Europeans or whatever  ethnicity one lays claim to, all of us will have to be a true Sint Maartener”

“True power is the ability to transcend force by persuading the people of a society both common and elite to work in tandem with the leader in pursuit of common goals and interests”

The world has now moved into a phase called globalization, on a scale undreamt of by the masses sixty years ago although visionaries foresaw this future, it is still awe-inspiring and marvelous in the sheer scope of its endless possibilities.

Space travel is common even space tourism is a reality today; Nanotechnology has changed the scope of technological advances forever.

The internet is a massive globalizing tool it has given most of the world’s population and I particular vast swaths of the so-called Third World an equalizing tool of leverage.

Even today on Sint Maarten we have this wonderful technology which affords virtually every household an opportunity to increase their quality of life overnight.

That many are not aware of the actual scope of the awesome power in their living rooms is due sadly to lack of education, while many purchase the technology for their children.

This will soon change the world of today is digitized and interactive as the world becomes more digital, everyone will have to participate willingly or unwillingly.

The need for certain types of labor will be rendered obsolete in the not to distant future, persons who are not technology savvy will simply not be able to function optimally in this new world.

All jobs will require a certain amount of technical know how we are moving increasingly into a more knowledge-intensive economy.

The knowledge economy is one in which people will become increasingly technology conscious, education will be geared more towards developing a workforce that is integrated and self-regulating, collectivism will be increasingly the norm.

Sint Maarten will have to adjust to this new world in all fields of human endeavor.

Since Sint Maarten will not be able to mass produce technology all small economies will begin to select their brightest students and finance their studies in technology-intensive fields bringing them back home will not be a question it will be a fact of life without their expertise no economy will function.

As we all know the world’s economy is interconnected and interdependent . This will increasingly become a fact of life. The International Standards Organization ISO, is already implementing a policy globally that will ensure products developed anywhere in the world will all be priced exactly the same .

This will ensure a truly level playing field, the policy is already being carried out a quick look at the back of most appliances, especially those coming out of Asia will reveal the ISO seal of approval.

National sovereignty of most nations will be increasingly eroded, where does such developments leave islands in the Caribbean region; it leaves them at the mercy of much larger economies.

The Caribbean region will in fact have to form blocks purely out of a common need for survival the regional entity known as Caricom will gain real relevance purely out of a common regional realization, that unity in the global market translates to strength.

The isolationist game that the so-called Netherlands Antilles played  is an Achilles heel in this 21st-century global society.

Snubbing our Caribbean brothers and depending solely on tourism and European aid will not sustain the island any longer.  As the ambitions of the population changes to reflect global trends. Funds from a variety of sources will ensue, soon Sint Maarten will learn that one can ill afford not to join with the rest of the Caribbean, as European political interests will cater more to Europe,   leaving the island to fend for itself.

Given our present reality we would do well to begin to deal with facts and dispose of the idea that persons will continue to come to the region in the future in the numbers that they do today.

As was previously stated tourism globally is already taking on a diverse character China is developing its vast cultural resources to cater to Western tourists. India is also delving into cultural tourism, terrorism and financial crises are also changing the direction tourists will choose to go.

In a world where terrorism, is an all-encompassing very real threat, tourists will choose destinations where their safety can be guaranteed, of course this will never be one hundred percent.

The expertise that Italy and Greece have in dealing with a terrorist threat, surpasses the combined expertise of every Caribbean island in that area. The region is not prepared for a worst case scenario.

The coup in Trinidad by the Jamaat Al Muslimeen, should serve as a warning to all, that the region is not immune to such.

However, the opportunity for a regional prosperity is greater than ever before. I’m positively optimistic that the region will rise to the occasion and many of our Caribbean sister islands, will emerge as leaders in the region.

 

SHARDS OF MY SOUL.

This is not a poem these are shards of my soul a soul at once torn and complete two faces of good and evil melancholic yet joyful look with your soul eyes as the man bares his essence.

Love and innocence lost this is an ode to love to bonding to roses.

To the female flower her Tulip her Pomegranate, her Bejeweled Goblet, her feminine repose her waterfall her shower of beauty.

I seek for love like a thirsty man in a desert twice eluded once found, when found contained in a bosom jealously guarded.

It was exquisite not sensual never erotic it remained pure likened to that of a virgin.

An untouched unspoilt virgin she shone brightly in my mind’s eye.

I reached to touch the vision she vanished, I cried out in anguish as if I were a child again and my mother left me I winsomely sought the unspoilt virgin but she was not her captors took her, she was deceived with trinkets and fake gold.

One her captors is called slavery, the other is mammon the other is called whoredoms, next is vice, followed by Neo-Colonialism, racism fathered them all, their mother western imperialism and their father birthed a child called tourism, this child brought with it great wealth and illusions of grandeur.

Riding with the child called tourism was death, with tourism came death and destruction.

The children ceased to be productive, they became cannibals and began to eat the flesh of their offspring.

The children were sacrificed on the altar of greed to Moloch god of poverty.

What a paradox such a dichotomy the children were sacrificed for wealth but their betrayers yet remain poor poverty of the soul the worst kind that afflicts mankind the betrayers of the children cannot think for themselves they are to dumb to even run their own house .

Some of the children escaped the demon called Moloch, the old man called them the “Joshua Generation”.

He said these escaped children would one day free the others who are mentally dead their spirits are strong and their souls want to be free.

He said there is an enemy within not on the outside he cautioned the Sheppard Boy to look for the enemy within he it is who will bring about destruction.

I said how will I know him and what is he called , he intoned look in the water I gazed at my own reflection beneath me, he said the image that you see is your enemy defeat him and all his weaknesses and you will be free.

I laughed old man how can I defeat my self?  He retorted all that is wicked all that is bad in your own heart destroy it and then you will know why I appear in your dreams.

He said the whore who sacrificed her own babies, another is holding her basket.

The old man laughed at the fools he said the Brahmin is controlling the greedy old whore he has the money that she wants, he laughed ha, ha, ha, he chortled mockingly as he jeered at their utter stupidity.

Hes said the colonial masters are not the masters anymore the Brahmin have the purse strings in his hand.

The old man was black he stood upright, tall and willowy his beard was white, I said who are you, he said Iam the spirit of prophecy Iam called a prophet.

I said what about the children with power and force in his voice he said “You shall live and not die” I asked about the once unspoilt queen, now an old whore I asked of her place and her whereabouts I pondered and I sought to know her name in the vision of enrapturing beauty the unspoilt queen, stood tall and proud the vision that I so covetously sought was no more it all vanished like a cloud and in her place was an old bedraggled colonized whore the old man in the vision said this former queen now whore’ name is miss Sint Maarten .

“ Her children are scattered to the four winds sacrificed on the altar of greed and he lamented the lost of innocence, as for me I only wanted the pleasure of knowing the virgin not the pain that came with the realization of her true nature.

This is the essence of mankind love and innocence, pain, pleasure and redemption and at the apex of all things the whirlwind the summation of life will.

Sint Maarten awaits her whirlwind will she reap what she has sown? The old man replied only time will tell.

New Picture (6)

The true desire of the conscious and enlightened Sint Maartener an Independent Sint Maarten. (Qualichie/Soualiga=Land of Salt.) Ancient Arawak name given to the island by its indigenous inhabitants.

This symbol which is portrayed on the front cover of this book is again reproduced here and the symbology deciphered.

The white bird is a national symbol of the island namely the Brown Pelican a relic of the time of the great salt ponds this creature is endangered today by the pollution of its natural habitat.

The man with the sword represents the African sons of Sint Maarten, the man standing next to him is an Arawak his robe is purple symbolizing kingship the Arawak was an indigenous inhabitant preceding the African as an inhabitant of Sint Maarten. Although many Africans brought to the islands were in fact royalty this illustration portrays the African and the birth of his freedom on Sint Maarten the Genesis of a new era.

The Independence flag flies proudly above their heads the African woman at the left of the illustration depicts the female mother of the island and the male child represents the shared hope of both parents for a male heir who can procreate and carry on the legacy of independence and peace that they have established .

The female child is representative of the ability of the female to birth new life and ideas into a culture the Arawak mother proudly bares her progeny in her arms. The two families are symbolic of indigenous peoples and our ability to create new symbols and our adaptive nature in adapting even slave symbols and making them a positive mark of identification in the recording of our shared history.

Alkebulan the continent misnomered Africa shows the origin of all humanity and is the place from whence the Black man claims his descent.

 

 

Will be continued.